In 1998, midway through the current authorization of federal programs for elementary and secondary education, the Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights observed:
[T]he central elements of standards-based
reform are not “Democratic v. Republican” or “liberal v. conservative”
ideas. High standards for all children
is a goal that is generally embraced, and holding schools and school systems
accountable for producing academic progress is a strategy espoused by
conservative business leaders as well as liberal academicians. It may well be that an Administration
prepared to make its case for reform and for the limited but critically
important role of the national government would gather broader support than it
apparently expects. Few people
anticipated in advance the coalescence of views that led to passage and
effective enforcement of equal educational opportunity laws and policies in the
1960s.[1]
Now, President George W. Bush has
outlined his education proposals, which in many significant respects, would
continue and build upon the reform legislation adopted in 1994. At the same time, President Bush’s
proposals, by embracing block grants and failing to provide resources, could
undermine many of the goals for reform he espouses. The result is that many children would be left behind. No
Child Left Behind provides an outline for more detailed legislative
proposals to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act
(ESEA). In this plan, the
President
calls broad public attention to the persistent achievement gaps between rich
and poor and between white and minority students. And like his predecessor, he understands the primary importance
of
- and federal interest in
- assuring that all children can read
competently by the third grade. These
recognitions are commendable, as is the Administration’s acknowledgement that “the federal government is partly at fault”[2]
and his advocacy of a “more effective federal role” in education.
In advocating a strong federal role
in raising academic standards and in closing the achievement gap, the President
parts company with powerful political constituencies in both major parties
- many of whom have, for far too long,
excused or accepted the depressingly low academic performance of many poor and
minority children. For example on one
question that never seems to go away
- “does money make a difference?”
- The President has repudiated both the notion embraced by
conservative advisors that improvement can be had without increasing education
spending, as well as advocacy of some in the education establishment for major
increases in funding with only weak accountability for results.
Significantly,
the President seems to recognize what is undisputed among leading experts: that money wisely spent and targeted to
effective strategies can significantly increase outcomes for disadvantaged
students. Consistent with this
approach, for example, the President’s recently released proposals for an
early-grade reading initiative would provide additional funds, over and above
Title I, but would also require that schools utilize research-based approaches
to literacy development. Moreover, the
President recognizes the importance of holding adults responsible for making
sure all children are able to read and to succeed in school.
At the same time there are elements
of the President’s plan that could leave many children behind, especially
children who are trapped in substandard schools in high-poverty
neighborhoods. Such children are
disproportionately children of color and include children from migrant, homeless
and immigrant families, children with disabilities and those who are not yet
proficient in English.
[1] Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights, Title I in Midstream: The Fight to Improve
Schools for Poor Kids (1999)
[2] See, e.g., Title I in Midstream
(detailing Clinton Administration’s lax enforcement of Title I provisions
designed to ensure high standards for all students and to close achievement
gaps).